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Congressional Update
   
This page has information on actions taken by the US Congress. The American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA) and the Nethercutt Amendment are the highlights of this page. Text of the ASPA, Nethercutt, and other legislation can be found below, as can analysis of the legislation.

In the US Congress, while there are a few very vocal members adamantly opposed to the ICC and international obligations in general, most negative votes have arisen because members lack information, have been swayed by disinformation, or see the Court as low priority. Those who oppose the Court have many of the same concerns as the Administration, but are also guided by their belief in American exceptionalism and their perception that the ICC violates US sovereignty. Among some people there is a strong feeling that it just isn't right for the US to use extra-constitutional means to participate in creating a foreign Court, even if there is no legal bar to its doing so.

ANTI-ICC LEGISLATION

Action taken against the ICC in Congress have included a provision from the 106th Congress that prevented US funding in support of the ICC and extradition to the Court of US nationals and contractors. Two anti-ICC amendments passed the 107th session of Congress, preventing the use of funds to provide support or other assistance to the ICC or any criminal investigation by the Court. Another anti-ICC amendment passed the 108th Congress, which cuts economic assistance to states parties to the ICC and have not entered into an immunity agreement with the US. Read more about these laws.

The President's signing statements for both 2002 amendments said that he would interpret them consistently with his foreign affairs powers. This does not mean, however, that these provisions have had no impact. For instance, these laws may have helped bolster the anti-ICC opposition to put pressure on the Administration not to participate in the final ICC negotiations, and may be used to keep the US from becoming an observer in the Assembly of States Parties or to prevent US cooperation with the Court on a case-by-case basis as is called for by the Dodd Amendment and the American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA) (see below). Additionally, cuts in economic assistance to countries in support of the ICC under the Nethercutt provision continue to threaten the pace of ratification of the Court's statute worldwide, as countries will fear being in conflict with their obligations to the Court and their obligations under a bilateral immunity agreement with the US.

Read Washington Working Group on the ICC (WICC) Chronology of ICC-Related Legislation, May 2001 - July 2002
Read Congressional Research Service analysis of US policy regarding the ICC, including congressional action

THE AMERICAN SERVICEMEMBERS' PROTECTION ACT (ASPA)

The current version of the 2002 American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA) - not yet signed into law - includes the following provisions, subject to full waivers at the discretion of the President:

  • Prohibition on cooperation with the International Criminal Court;

  • Restrictions on US participation in UN peacekeeping operations;

  • Prohibition on direct or indirect transfer of classified national security information, including law enforcement information, to the International Criminal Court, even if no American is accused of a crime; and

  • Preauthorized authority to free members of the armed forces of the US and certain other persons detained or imprisoned by or on behalf of the international criminal court (the Hague Invasion Clause).

The prohibition of US military assistance to parties to the International Criminal Court was repealed in January 2008.

The Act is an odd and tortured piece of legislation whose impact is hard to assess. Although ASPA contains authority for the president to waive most of its requirements, its adoption has nevertheless been a strong psychological and symbolic statement against the Court and is already alienating our friends and allies whom we are asking to help us with our anti-terrorist coalition.

It was the outcome of several contradictory forces: a determination shared with the Administration by House and Senate leadership to make a strong statement of ideological hostility to the ICC, the Administration's resolve to preserve in full the President's constitutional powers in international relations, and some congressional resistance to the Act - especially in the Senate.

ASPA can best be understood as three stacked layers:

  • The first is the original text that gave the President a few very limited waivers, mostly for sanctions on friendly countries.

  • The second layer, dropped right on the first, consists of waivers at the will of the president on all of the operative provisions of the bill. The Administration insisted on these to protect the president's constitutional privileges.

  • The last layer on the top of the stack was language added by Senator Dodd that essentially reverses the effect of ASPA by authorizing the US government to participate in a wide-range of international justice efforts:

    "Nothing in this title shall prohibit the United States from rendering assistance to international efforts to bring to justice Saddam Hussein, Slobodan Milosevic, Osama bin Laden, leaders of Islamic Jihad, and other foreign nationals accused of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity."
The effects of ASPA have been severely criticized by the Defense Department. While speaking before the United States Army Committee on House Armed Services regarding the Fiscal 2006 Budget, US Army General Bantz J. Craddock, Commander of the US Southern Command, made strong statements on the impact of ASPA on military operations and cooperation in Latin America. He explains that ASPA is creating a void of contact that is being filled by other extra-hemispheric actors, including China. Vice Admiral Lowell Jacoby made similar statements during a hearing of the Senate Armed Services Committee. In addition, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Air Force General Richard Myers testified at the Senate Appropriations Defense Subcommittee on April 27, 2005 that ASPA has reduced foreign troop training opportunities and hurt the government's ability to fight terrorism abroad as an "unintended consequence." A US Department of Defense statement in its 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review Report, published on February 6th, 2006 suggested a review of whether the ASPA restrictions on "foreign assistance programs pertaining to security and the war on terror necessitate adjustment as we continue to advance the aims of the ASPA." A July 23rd, 2006 news article provides an overview of these developments related to anti-ICC legislation.

On October 17, 2006 President Bush signed into law an amendment to ASPA as part of the John Warner National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007 removing International Military Education and Training (IMET) restrictions for all nations. Previously, on October 2, 2006 President Bush had issued a waiver of these same IMET prohibitions with respect to 21 nations. Foreign Military Funds (FMF) restricted under ASPA were not affected by the 2006 waivers or the ASPA amendment. On November 22, 2006 President Bush issued ASPA waivers with respect to the Comoros and Saint Kitts and Nevis, followed by a similar waiver with respect to Montenegro on August 31, 2007.

On January 22, 2008 Congress amended the American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA) to eliminate restrictions on Foreign Military Financing (FMF) to nations unwilling to enter into BIAs. President Bush signed this FMF into law on January 28, 2008 and thus no nation will be threatened with the loss of military assistance of any kind - FMF or IMET - for its refusal to shield US nationals from the ICC.

Read analysis by the Washington Working Group on the ICC (WICC):

The American Servicemembers' Protection Act of 2002 Section-by-Section Summary
Analysis of Waivers and Exceptions in the American Servicemembers' Protection Act

Read about the international reaction to ASPA

Read about the potential for legislative advocacy post-ASPA

Read Congressional statements on ASPA and other legislation


THE NETHERCUTT AMENDMENT

Former Rep. George Nethercutt's so-called "Nethercutt Amendment" to the Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act suspends Economic Support Fund assistance to ICC States Parties who refuse bilateral immunity agreements (BIAs) with the US or have not been provided a Presidential waiver. The funds affected support initiatives including peacekeeping, anti-terrorism measures, democracy-building and drug interdiction. The language of the amendment allows presidential exemptions for NATO, MNNA (major non-NATO allies), and Millennium Fund countries. The appropriations bill containing the controversial amendment was adopted two years in a row, for FY 2005 and FY 2006. Congress did not pass a foreign operations appropriations bill or any other bill containing the Nethercutt provision for FY 2007. On December 17, 2007 the US Congress approved HR 2764, a comprehensive Consolidated Appropriations Act which reinstates the so-called Nethercutt provision cutting off Economic Support Funds (ESF) to nations unwilling to enter into Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs) shielding US nationals from the jurisdiction of the ICC. President Bush signed the bill into law on December 26 and it became Public Law 110-161. As a result, dozens of US allies may lose millions of dollars in economic assistance for FY 2008 and further alienate the US in the world community.

The current Nethercutt provision reads:

HR 2764, Division J - Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2008

Title VI: General Provisions

Limitation on economic support fund assistance for certain foreign governments that are parties to the International Criminal Court

Sec. 671

(a) None of the funds made available in this Act under the heading `Economic Support Fund' may be used to provide assistance to the government of a country that is a party to the International Criminal Court and has not entered into an agreement with the United States pursuant to Article 98 of the Rome Statute preventing the International Criminal Court from proceeding against United States personnel present in such country.

(b) The President may, with prior notice to Congress, waive the prohibition of subsection (a) with respect to a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (`NATO') member country, a major non-NATO ally (including Australia, Egypt, Israel, Japan, Jordan, Argentina, the Republic of Korea, and New Zealand), Taiwan, or such other country as he may determine if he determines and reports to the appropriate congressional committees that it is important to the national interests of the United States to waive such prohibition.

(c) The President may, with prior notice to Congress, waive the prohibition of subsection (a) with respect to a particular country if he determines and reports to the appropriate congressional committees that such country has entered into an agreement with the United States pursuant to Article 98 of the Rome Statute preventing the International Criminal Court from proceeding against United States personnel present in such country.

(d) The prohibition of this section shall not apply to countries otherwise eligible for assistance under the Millennium Challenge Act of 2003, notwithstanding section 606(a)(2)(B) of such Act.

(e) Funds appropriated for fiscal year 2005 under the heading `Economic Support Fund' may be made available for democracy and rule of law programs and activities, notwithstanding the provisions of section 574 of division D of Public Law 108-447.

The Nethercutt Amendment differs from former anti-ICC provisions the American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA) by imposing economic aid cuts instead of military aid cuts. Cutting economic assistance is far a more damaging act because in many countries, it directly affects the lives of their people.

In addition, existing Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs) and other bilateral agreements already provide full US jurisdiction over US personnel and officials serving abroad. What the Nethercutt Amendment does is exempt all US nationals and contractors with the US from accountability for widespread and systematic war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide committed on the territory of a signatory country. Many countries who have refused to sign BIAs are wary of exempting individuals on their territory who are neither working for the US government or military.

The amendment threatens to hurt key relationships with allies helping the US fight the global war on terrorism. The amendment jeopardized $326.6 million in US economic assistance in FY 2006 to at least 12 nations:
  • Brazil: $750,000. The US and Brazil frequently cooperate on numerous issues, including promoting democratic values and stability in the region, and combating international crime

  • Cyprus: $20 million to support the peace process and eventual reunification of the island, support economic development, empower civil society, and promote good governance

  • Ecuador: $7 million to combat drug trafficking, strengthen its democratic institutions, fight corruption and foster economic development

  • Jordan: $250 million as Jordan's Upper House of Parliament is currently debating a pending BIA with the U.S. The funds would be used for three objectives: advancing economic opportunities, strengthening water resources management and increasing social sector development (healthcare, education and governance)

  • Kenya: $8 million crucial for programs to promote the country's economy, infrastructure, development projects and political stability

  • Mexico: $11.5 million to promote democracy, improve economic competitiveness by strengthening rule of law and supporting greater transparency and accountability in government. Funds would be used for technical assistance and training and support civil and criminal justice reform, greater respect for human rights and greater access to justice for disadvantaged populations

  • Nigeria: $5 million due to the Parliament's rescission of the 2003 BIA with the U.S. The country is the fifth largest source of U.S. oil imports. Funds would be used to increase security and stability, strengthen institutions and promote credible elections

  • Paraguay: $2.55 million to strengthen civil society, encourage anti-corruption reforms and support democratic political parties; an important partner in the U.S. fight against terrorism

  • Peru: $8 million critical for efforts to decrease coca production, promote democracy by enhancing local governance, and assisting the country's Truth and Reconciliation Commission

  • South Africa: $1.3 million, despite exceptional progress in economic growth and human rights

  • Venezuela: $500,000 to strengthen democratic institutions, promote the rule of law and respect for human rights, and ensure free and fair elections in 2006; a leading supplier of foreign oil to the U.S.

On November 28th, 2006 President Bush waived ESF restrictions with respect to Bolivia, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Ecuador, Kenya, Mali, Mexico, Namibia, Niger, Paraguay, Peru, Samoa, South Africa, and Tanzania. It is unclear whether this waiver restored any of the ESF funding lost for FY 2006 or how much will be lost in FY 2008.

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